KKL Plantings: "Mansour Abbas Runs the Show. He Wants to Transfer the Negev to the Palestinians"

Although more than two weeks have passed since the riots surrounding the plantings in the Negev and the agenda has shifted back to COVID-19 and the plea bargain in Netanyahu's trial, the disputed plot in the south remained a hot topic for journalists all week. The issue of the Bedouins in the Negev, their land ownership claims, and the need to regulate settlements have long been familiar. However, it's been a long time since the issue received such significant attention as it did last Tu Bishvat. One of the reasons is undoubtedly the Bennett government, in which Ra'am is a partner, raising both sensitivity and curiosity. Beyond political complexity, the 'Operation Guardian of the Walls' events still fresh in public memory led many to suggest this is not just a land dispute, but a much deeper, fundamental issue.

While the government mostly responded with an embarrassing silence, on social media and among southern residents, opinions were clear-cut. Some demand restoring governance to the Negev, which has become, in their words, the Wild West. Others blame successive Israeli governments for repeatedly delaying the regulation of Bedouin settlements and resolving land claims. According to these sources, the latest riots result from the Bedouins' loss of trust in Israeli governments that promised to resolve ownership issues but always backed down at the last moment.

Pini Badash, head of the Omer Council, believes we are in a much more serious stage than just loss of governance. He identifies nationalist elements in the Bedouin struggle, connecting the Palestinian issue with what’s happening in the Negev.

"Politically, I am part of the current government, but we have reached a point where I prefer that this government falls if I and my residents have to be the sacrifice for its continuation," he says.

"The recent events on Tu Bishvat prove to us that the Bedouins themselves are not interested in a solution. They’ve been offered budgets, recognition of settlements, seven towns were built for them, compensations provided. Recently, we even swallowed the electricity law, but it turns out Mansour Abbas is running the show, with transferring the Negev to the Palestinians at the top of his agenda."

On what basis do you link these events to a nationalist issue?

"The Bedouins in the Negev marry several women, most of whom come from Gaza or Judea and Samaria. The children born there today identify not with Israel, but only with Palestine. There are over 50,000 young people in the Bedouin areas whose mothers are Palestinian. We felt them well during 'Operation Guardian of the Walls'. These are gangs organized with weapons. There’s even incitement from the Islamic Movement. The entry of Ra'am into the government neutralized any possibility to talk about it without harming Mansour Abbas. They sell us a narrative with 'good' and 'bad', but in the end, I can’t tell who is a terrorist and who is a friend. So they overlook protection payments, violent robberies, arson, thefts, and vandalism. The stories that reach the public come only through social media, where it's impossible to silence people. For decades, this issue has been brushed under the carpet, and now they’re surprised it’s become a volcano. I also see what Bedouins post on social media. When I hear expressions like 'ignite the Negev' or 'take back the homeland', what else can I think but nationalism? You won’t see an Israeli flag in any Bedouin settlement. You will see Palestinian, Hamas, and Islamic Movement flags."

What is the difference between 'regulation' and 'ownership claims'?

To understand the Bedouin issue in the Negev, one must consider two recurring terms — 'regulation' and 'ownership claims'.

Bedouin tribes have wandered the Mediterranean regions for hundreds of years, with an emphasis on 'wandering'. While the average person interprets nomadism as lacking a permanent place, Bedouin law has its definitions. According to Bedouin law, merely wandering a certain area for three generations creates ownership of the land. Thus, if a grandfather, father, and son each roamed a specific area during their time, it automatically established a claim of ownership on that land. Bedouins have filed land ownership claims based on this law during both the Ottoman and British Mandate periods. Both rejected these claims, arguing that nomadic tribes cannot claim ownership of land. After the establishment of the State of Israel, these claims were also rejected in accordance with Ottoman and British law preservation.

This situation changed at the end of the 1970s when the state allowed Bedouins to file land ownership claims in the Negev for the first time under a specific time window. The result was ownership claims on over a million dunams in the Negev, an area 11 times larger than the city of Tel Aviv. Since most claims were dismissed by the courts, Israel attempted to resolve the issue differently, through 'regulation'. Seven towns for Bedouins were established as part of this, including Rahat, Hura, Kuseife, Segev Shalom, and Tel Sheva. In reality, only half of the Negev's Bedouin population moved to these towns. The other half continued to wander and were eventually known as 'the dispersion'.

Avraham Benjamin from the 'Regavim' organization claims the current situation is a result of what he calls 'the state's original sin', agreeing to accept land ownership claims from Bedouins in the Negev, something neither the British nor the Ottomans dared to do.

"We can continue to argue about the right solution, but there's one fact that cannot be contested: Bedouin society doubles every fifteen years," he says. "We're talking about the group with the highest natural increase in the world, partly due to the 'gift' Israel gave the Bedouins by legally sanctioning polygamy. The Bedouins in the Negev form the most polygamous society in the world. Such scale doesn't exist in any Arab country, including Israeli Arabs. Israel funds this through National Insurance and income guarantees, allowing any Bedouin man to afford one more wife and another. Since there's no regulation, one can build unlimited homes for each of these women. We bury our heads in the sand, and meanwhile, they establish reality on the ground."

Is it even possible to resolve Bedouin land ownership claims?

"Of course, the question is at what cost. There are currently 25,000 ownership claimants within Bedouin society, claiming a total of 550,000 dunams. This area is as vast as all Jewish-owned lands in the entire State of Israel. It’s absurd. The state has, in the past, offered these claimants the option of moving to permanent towns, receiving free plots with development plus monetary compensation of 250,000 shekels for every man over 18. The claimants don’t want to reach an agreement with the state because they view it as a concession, and as long as the ownership issue isn’t resolved, no Bedouin will dare move to a permanent settlement on land claimed by another Bedouin. Thus, there is no alternative but to pursue regulation even without recognizing ownership claims. Not every specific claim should block regulation. In the past, the state acted by filing counterclaims. In some areas with Bedouin ownership claims, the state filed a parallel lawsuit with legal proof that it was state land. The state thereby registered over 50,000 dunams under its name. Settlements were sometimes reached, allowing compensation agreements for registering another 200,000 dunams as state land. These approaches can always be revisited.

The Negev Snowball

Journalist Elyashiv Reichenner (Makor Rishon), a Yeruham resident, has been covering the Negev and the Bedouin land issues for over two decades. He also believes the only solution is promoting regulation and ownership claims, but he argues that sweeping statements linking Bedouins to the Palestinian struggle are detrimental.

"Let’s talk about three examples that could have been resolved long ago, but Israeli governments have stalled them without reason," he demonstrates. "The Ministry of Environmental Protection determined years ago that the Wa'arat Al Na'am Bedouin area should be removed from the Neot Hovav region where they settled for their welfare, due to health risks from hazardous materials in the Neot Hovav and Ramat Beka sites. In practice, they haven’t been evacuated to this day, and I ask – why?"

"A second example is the town of Bir Hadaj, situated on state land with no ownership claims and ready development plans. Nothing has been done, despite the residents' interest. The state developed cold feet. The third example is the settlement of Rahmah near Yeruham. Today, 1,500 residents live there, who agreed seven years ago to vacate 2,000 dunams elsewhere in the Negev for recognition. 90% of Rahmah’s residents signed, yet the state backed down at the last moment out of precedence concerns. Over the years since, the population there has doubled. Today, when officials approach Rahmah residents to implement the agreement, they trust no one. When discussing solutions, this is a glaring omission. The state shies away from making tough decisions. To this day, there is no state map detailing where towns will be established and where they won’t, and that’s essentially the entire story."

Does all this justify violence?

"Of course not. Violence must be met with a firm and strong response, but anyone who thinks force will resolve the problem is mistaken."

But it’s not just violence over land issues. There is also a nationalistic element today.

"I absolutely disagree. Once and for all, it needs to be said that the land and Bedouin issues contain harmful generalizations. I’m convinced that there are people and entities interested in equating what happens in the Negev with events in Judea and Samaria, saying the Bedouins and Palestinians are one. It’s easiest to paint everything in one color, but it’s simply not true and certainly not wise. I don’t deny a certain strengthening of the nationalist component among the dispersion. There is no doubt that this phenomenon should be combated with all its might, but it’s a minority. There are 280,000 Bedouins in the Negev today. They’re Israeli citizens with a blue ID card. Most live in regulated cities and towns. They wake up daily to their work and want to live peaceful lives."

The planting affairs weren’t so peaceful.

"Plantings are a way for the State of Israel to guard its lands against seizures. It’s a legitimate and correct action, but essentially everyone knows fights over land seizures aren't with plantings but with police and border police. Plantings are a band-aid, another indirect solution meant to cover the state's lack of power or courage to enforce. Instead of discussing enforcement, we argue about supporting or opposing plantings. What is certain is that plantings aren't a long-term solution."

Then what is?

"First of all, stop dragging this issue. Both the right and the left postpone Bedouin regulation discussions, and time is working against everyone – against the Negev, the Bedouins, and the Jewish population. Both the right and the left have been thwarting regulation plans for years. Two and a half years ago, Minister Uri Ariel pushed a massive plan for regulation and resettling 128,000 people within three years. His colleague Bezalel Smotrich thwarted the plan. The result: precious time lost and increased distrust among Bedouins."

Contrasting Reichenner's approach, which some may consider naive, Pini Badash expresses despair. He intimately knows the issue but believes it isn’t just the Bedouins losing trust but also Negev residents.

"The Bedouins now have 19 recognized settlements, seven towns established by the state, with plans for three more. Twenty-two settlements for a population of less than 300,000 people – that’s an extraordinary quality of life. I support giving everyone a plot, development, and financial compensation if everyone understands this issue closes for good. Whoever does not move will be forcibly relocated by the government, just as it did resolutely evict Gush Katif residents. That’s the only solution. This and previous governments don’t have the courage to be resolute, and therefore I am desperate. Today, I live like in the territories. Masked men now stop drivers in southern roads and take their cars at gunpoint. I see Hamas flags in villages. I read threats on social media and believe them. We've been abandoned. The Negev has been abandoned."

The article was published in the weekly 'Olam Katan'.